Grace John
Benton
ENG 102
30 September 2024
Refugee
crisis in Asia: Overlooked displacement on Thai-Burma border
In
the world today there are many cases of ongoing human struggle, conflict and
persecution. Asia does not usually come to mind when discussing humanitarian
crisis, because there are other western-focused areas that gain more attention
on today’s popular culture and media. Refugee displacements are one of the
overlooked issues most often resulting from internal political and
international conflicts. Refugees may be defined as any person outside their
country of origin due to fear of cultural, religious or political persecution
who are unable to safely return. By looking at Asia and specifically the
southeast Asia region, we can see many prominent examples of refugee crises and
displacement. This paper will focus on the Karen (Kayin) people group of
Eastern Myanmar (Burma) and the Thailand border. This ethnic group is not
widely known as some of the other refugee population, like the displacement of
the Muslim Rohingya people of north Myanmar into Bangladesh. It is also worth
noting that this paper will refer to the country as Myanmar as it’s the most
widely accepted official name, however, it is important to acknowledge the fact
that several countries do not officially recognize this name change from Burma,
which was implemented in 1989 by the authoritarian regime that took power to
establish the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. By exploring the political,
social, and economic challenges of resettlement through the lens of Karen
people on the Thai-Burma border, this paper will uncover the inadequacies of current
refugee policies and demonstrate the need for a better international
cooperation to address the increasingly complex needs the displaced population
there.
The
international implications of safely handling refugees are significant and even
the farthest countries from the epicenter of the crises can have a lasting
impact. To introduce this topic and the country of Myanmar with its surrounding
issues today, we can go back to 2017 – 2018 when the country gained
international headlines after the deadly crackdown on the Muslim Rohingya
minorities from the northern Rakine state, by the majority Buddhist people and
government of Myanmar. In an important demonstration of how far reaching our
influence can be in these situations, the social media platforms we all use
today played a role in the digital influence on the crises. As internet access
became more widely accessible during that time in Myanmar, the social media
platform Facebook was heavily criticized for allowing and failing to timely act
on the violent and anti-Muslim content being spread from its Burmese users in
Myanmar who were able to weaponize the platform during the military campaign in
2017 to drive out the Rohingya (Trending, BBC 2018). In the globalized world
today, it is more important for large organizations, companies and governments
to pay attention to refugee crises and the resulting humanitarian issues. In
the case of the Karen people of eastern Myanmar with the Thailand border, they
are no exception in this case. Like the crises that unfolded with the Rohingya
Muslim population, the Karen people have endured a long history of persecution
for their ethnicity in Myanmar. To better explain the context, it is important
to understand why the country is prone to such deep conflict stemming from
ethnic and political differences.
The
geographical features of Myanmar have shaped the balances of political and
military power and have formed the borders of various ethnic minority states.
The central region of the country is dominated by the majority Burmese
population surrounded by mountain ranges and rivers that have formed unique
cultural and linguistic groups encircling the central region. Out of the
different groups of ethnic minorities, the Karen people of the eastern region
of Myanmar have played a significant role in the history of the country since
gaining independence from Britain (Banki, 2008). Ethnic groups that composed
the Burmese military at the time broke off into different factions to oppose
the rise in communism favored by the core Burmese leaders and to form their own
independence from the country. The Karen ethnic military units defected and
formed their own leadership and military defense forces. This led to internal
armed conflict since the end of World War 2 and after British colonial
occupation ended (Hill, 2023). After looking into the recent history of these
conflicts, it becomes clear that the cultural and political differences have
promoted the independence among the various ethnic minorities of Myanmar. These
cultural and linguistic differences, along with decades of armed conflict, have
not only inspired independence among Myanmar’s ethnic minorities, but also made
the resettlement of the displaced groups, such as the Karen people, very
challenging. After understanding this historical background, the next focus should
be on the political and economic barriers that complicate refugee resettlement
of the displaced people.
The
complicated history and persisting conflict has created the increasingly
desperate situation for the displaced and refugees fleeing across the borders.
As of the August 2024 Humanitarian update, the UN Office for the Coordination
of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Myanmar issue published that an estimated
18.6 million people in Myanmar are described as in need of humanitarian aid. On
the Thai-Burma border, estimated total number of displaced refugees is around
250,000 (OCHA, 2024). There are also numerous refugee camps that have appeared
along the border in Thailand that serve as temporary home for the displaced.
The first few camps started to appear in 1984 and have been growing since then.
Many of these along the border are Karen refugees from the nearby Kayin border
state in Myanmar, among other ethnic minorities. There have been several issues
that have made living in these camps challenging, specifically access to
resources and humanitarian aid through the host country, Thailand. Thailand
does not recognize these camps as official grounds for resettlement of its
inhabitants and currently lacks the legal and economic capacity to help support
and sponsor many of the refugees (Banki, 2008: 64). This issue of economic
sustainability is one of the key issues in understanding the biggest struggles
of the refugees in the Thailand-Burma border.
As Banki et al. highlight in the
protracted displacement research, a significant portion of the refugee
population in Thailand was classified as economic migrants rather than refugees
(Banki, 2008). This misclassification poses a major problem for the refugees,
as it limits the protections available to these individuals, leaving them
vulnerable to unfair treatment and deportation. In a further study that
uncovered these consequences, Human Rights Watch revealed that the inadequate
policies towards refugees, and even discovered that the mishandling of refugee
camps on the border leads to abuse, extortion and arbitrary deportation of
refugees along the border (HRW, 2020). However, distinguishing between refugees
fleeing political persecution and those escaping economic hardship is
inherently challenging, as these two situations are often closely linked. While
refugees are granted protection under the 1951 Convention Relating to the
Status of Refugees, economic migrants, regardless of their circumstances, do
not receive the same recognition or protections in Thailand (Banki, 2008). The
distinction between the two classes should be closely examined and more care
needs to be shown towards people displaced because of persecution in their home
countries. From the Thai perspective, it is difficult to classify refugees out
of the many migrants who cross into Thailand from other parts of Myanmar for
better economic opportunities, not only those who are displaced by the conflict
for genuine humanitarian need. Thai authorities need to have greater care and
discernment in their handling of the refugee crises on the border.
Research
currently shows how many of the refugees in Thailand from Myanmar have
struggled to find a sustainable economic solution while in the refugee camps
due to the lack of legal structure in the hosting country. Humanitarian Policy
Group research from 2023 shows that there has been little to no improvements on
this issue in Thailand since reports started emerging on this problem. Refugees
are still stuck in a stateless limbo of having to choose to find work,
education and health needs within the settlement camps or to venture into
Thailand where they face discrimination and a high risk of deportation and
arrest due to the lack of legal protections there for refugees. The HPG paper
mentioned that there may still be potential for improvements on this issue with
the newly elected Thai government in 2023, however this remains to be seen
(Hill, C., 2023). Perhaps a better solution to this ordeal would be to partner
with other international humanitarian groups such as UNHCR who have active
working relationships on the ground with Thai resources and the refugees from
these areas to formulate a better process for identifying and categorizing
refugee status. That way, it will become more manageable for Thai authorities
to offer durable economic solutions to ease the plight of the refugee
populations there.
On
the other end of the spectrum, there are many different countries and
organizations that have helped in the resettlement effort. Uniquely positioned
as a leader in resettling is the United States. Since 1980 the US has worked
with the UNHCR to establish a process for resettling refugees who pass through
a vetting process. The US works to ensure certain communities can receive
refugees, and by partnering with volunteer organizations, are able provide
resettlement assistance to some refugees. The recent executive orders from 2019 gave permission to the local
governments on handling the resettlement and placing of refugees in their
communities. It’s up to the local leaders to determine how to place refugees to
give them the best opportunities and consider their community needs for
welcoming new refugees. (Caren, 2008). The Karen refugees from Myanmar
specifically are frequently settled to the US through these UNHCR programs and
have been resettled mainly into urban areas over the years. Since local
communities now have a part to determine if reguees will resettle to their
communities, these resettlement programs should also consider the options to
choose rural or small-town locations over the larger cities and urban
resettlements that often takes place. One study highlights the outcomes and
potential cons of this resettlement strategy in a small case study done in
rural Georgia highlights some of the positive outcomes of the Karen refugees
who have settled there (Gilhooly, 2017). These rural settings offer refugees a
less traumatic environment, where the Karen refugees can maintain cultural
practices and more effectively integrate into their new lives. The U.S.
government should explore rural resettlement programs, considering key factors
to ensure successful integration to communities able to welcome them and where
they can have a higher chance of successfully resettling there.
In
conclusion, the crisis along the Thai-Burma border, particularly with the Karen
people, represents an often overlooked yet important humanitarian issue today.
The Thai government’s limited legal protections and economic capacity, combined
with the misclassification of refugees as economic migrants, continue to
exacerbate the struggles of these displaced populations. The resettlement
process offered by countries such as the U.S., especially into urban areas,
often fails to provide the sustainable solutions necessary for meaningful
integration for these people. However, exploring rural resettlement programs,
as evidenced by successful examples in the U.S., could offer a viable option
that supports both the refugees and host communities. To effectively address
these challenges, international organizations like the UNHCR must collaborate
more closely with local governments to create policies that better identify and
support refugees, while also ensuring their successful integration into
communities of the host countries where they are resettled. Ultimately, solving
the refugee crisis on the Thai-Burma border requires a coordinated global
effort and a reevaluation of current policies and practices to ensure the best
possible humanitarian outcome of the current and future of displaced
populations.
Works
Cited
Banki,
Susan Rachel, and Hazel Johanna Lang. “Protracted Displacement on the
Thai-Burmese Border: The Interrelated Search for Durable Solutions.” http://www.ashgate.com
eBooks, 2008, pp. 59–81. https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au/items/4450461d-59b6-5496-beed-f51b40384102.
Caron,
Rosemary M. “The U.S. Refugee Resettlement Conundrum.” Peace Review, vol. 32,
no. 4, Oct. 2020, pp. 527–35. EBSCOhost, https://doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2020.1921416.
Gilhooly,
Daniel, and Eunbae Lee. “Rethinking Urban Refugee Resettlement: A Case Study of
One Karen Community in Rural Georgia, USA.” International Migration, vol. 55,
no. 6, Dec. 2017, pp. 37–55. EBSCOhost, https://doi.org/10.1111/imig.12341.
“Thailand:
Refugee Policies Ad Hoc and Inadequate.” Human Rights Watch, 28 Oct.
2020, www.hrw.org/news/2012/09/13/thailand-refugee-policies-ad-hoc-and-inadequate.
Trending,
Bbc. The Country Where Facebook Posts Whipped up Hate. 12 Sept. 2018, www.bbc.com/news/blogs-trending-45449938.
Hill,
C., Thako, H., Shêê, T., et al. (2023) Exploring Karen refugee youths’
aspirations and wellbeing amidst protracted displacement in Thailand. HPG
working paper. London: ODI https://odi.org/en/publications/exploring-karen-refugee-youths-aspirations-and-wellbeing-amidst-protracted-displacement-in-thailand/.
“Myanmar
Humanitarian Update No. 40 | 16 August 2024.” OCHA, 16 Aug. 2024, www.unocha.org/publications/report/myanmar/myanmar-humanitarian-update-no-40-16-august-2024
